Discussion Questions for Dunbar-Hall
Discussion Questions; for all responses, provide examples and specific line citations.
Also note: Comments function for this set of Questions will be open only through Nov 21 11am; you must complete your comments prior to that deadline.
1. What were the historical and situational factors that made
2. What is the relevance to the term “cultural tourism” to the situation of
3. In what ways does this article “problematize” the relationship between observation and participation? Between “self” and “Other”?
4. In what ways does colonialism (or its aftermath) impact on the situation in
5. Provide an explanation of the way in which the technical term “spectacle” applies to the situation of religious music in
6. Provide a definition and a detailed discussion explaining the relationship between “public” and “private” in the rituals Dunbar-Hall describes.
7. How is “creativity” manifested in Balinese music and religious ritual? What are the procedures that Balinese artists use to “make new art”? And, very importantly, how do such procedures respond to Western/outside analyses of creativity? What are the problems?
8. Using the construction “both/and”, explain the ways in which music, ritual, performance, participation, and believe interact in Balinese sacred musics. I expect substantial detail here.
posted by CJS at 12:54 PM
3 Comments:
2. Although historical remarks were made dating back to the 1930's, clutural tourism was defined in 1971 by the government who had realized there culture could be a commodity for tourism. It relates to the eintire article in descriptions of various performances that were put together specifically for tourists in mind. This relates also to certain locales and places that were delineated for tourist viewing. This allowance of viewing in only certain areas keeps other rituals and places steeped in tradition away from outsiders.
7. As Stefan stated, shortening of the performances helped to make them more accessible to outsiders who may get bored with the length. In the Clonarang instruments that were fading into disuse were added to the ritual creating a "musical revival". Problems of amiguity arise in this performance when the observers cannot distinguish between what is secular and what is sacred.
1. What were the historical and situational factors that made Bali a “classic site for ethnomusicological investigation”?
The Balinese processes of “monitoring conceptualization & negotiation of musical meaning” on the translation of cultural material from their original context to realm of the tourism-concerned, & reflecting on “how this translation acts as an agent of ongoing artistic development” (55) are well documented.
2. What is the relevance to the term “cultural tourism” to the situation of Bali? To this study?
For the Balinese, ‘cultural tourism’ is a created market, one that is closely monitored to ensure that the culture they have developed through the inner workings of their collective daily lives is NOT the same culture that tourists interact with. As a result, the Balinese can maintain the mask they wear for ‘the others’ & the one they wear for themselves separately.
3. In what ways does this article “problematize” the relationship between observation and participation? Between “self” and “Other”?
We are never going to have a ‘true’ outsider’s perspective considering the limitations placed on “non-Balinese.” However, because of the constant ‘movement’ of the audience from observer to participant, & the explanations offered by those ‘inside,’ we can see a portion of what they think is important to performance (secular & sacred) & entertainment (secular).
4. In what ways does colonialism (or its aftermath) impact on the situation in Bali? How does the Indonesian government cope with colonialism? How is colonialism implicated in modern ethnographic fieldwork there?
Colonialism seems to have been contained by the authorities, making visits to areas not sanctioned for ‘tourism’ off-limits. Even certain performances require behaviors & material items from the audience.
5. Provide an explanation of the way in which the technical term “spectacle” applies to the situation of religious music in Bali.
The situation in Bali requires that each community provide for itself. One way these communities have managed to accomplish this is through the presentation of religious music and dance programs to tourist groups visiting the area. Further, this group (of musicians & dancers) wil & do venture out beyond the confines of their village, especially if they have been invited to perform someplace. In this way, Balinese religious musicians & dancers can create or be a part of a spectacle (in return for financial remuneration) in order to realize the goals of their community.
6. Provide a definition and a detailed discussion explaining the relationship between “public” and “private” in the rituals Dunbar-Hall describes.
D-H speaks about the relationship between ‘public’ & ‘private’ in terms of Balinese tourist culture as such: all things ‘private’ are either 100% off limits to tourists, or have religious implications that are clearly stated & posted in many of the places that tourists first (& repeatedly) encounter. ‘Public’ events are sanctioned by the governmental authorities, are also clearly stated as welcoming to all visitors (or listing the requirments of potential visitors). Further, D-H also describes the physical layout of performances places: courtyards that were bordered on one side by the ‘private’ areas where performers go to develop their craft, and on the other by the ‘public’ areas inhabited by the audience (& performers).
7. How is “creativity” manifested in Balinese music and religious ritual? What are the procedures that Balinese artists use to “make new art”? And, very importantly, how do such procedures respond to Western/outside analyses of creativity? What are the problems?
Creativity can be manifested in two forms (at least), the re-working of existing material into new songs (kreasi baru) vs. the , komposisi baru, which is the development of a new composition. Here, tourists witness not only traditional thought-lines behind the music(s), but how performers thought about tradition in modern-day context. In kreasi baru, the transformation of sacred materials to secular is very important, however, the tourist culture may sometimes use this tranformative state as an example of constant flux in all things.
8. Using the construction “both/and”, explain the ways in which music, ritual, performance, participation, and belief interact in Balinese sacred musics. I expect substantial detail here.
All of the aforementioned terms interact in ways that reflect the daily struggle of the Balinese to cope with modern day issues and traditional ways of dealing with problems. This is viewed in aspects of performance such as gotong-royong, which expects community involvement in the development of Balinese cosmology & ideology. Present within that construct is the mandate of community involvement & that the welfare of the community is more important that individual needs. Music, as ritual and performance, and participation fall into this category within the Balinese ideology, creating a culture that values the input of both audience (‘outsider’) & performer (‘insider’) to navigate contemporary issues.
2. The term cultural tourism plays a rather significant part in this article, in this study, and in the basic culture of the Balinese as a people. Rojek and Urry define tourism as a “complex set of social discourses and practices.” McGregor defines cultural tourism as human geography’s focus on the ways people and places interact. This is none more prevalent than in the Balinese culture. As a way and appeal to create a money making opportunity, this culture has opened up its way of life to a public sector. Not only has it opened up its way of life, but this culture is letting outsiders see religious practices normally reserved for the Balinese people themselves. I like how Dunbar-Hall has whittled this study of cultural tourism and sacred and non-sacred practices into one specific culture. It helps generate a specific idea of cultural tourism to exactly one specific culture, and that in turn can help one understand the meaning behind it more specifically rather than have many different cultures along similar performance lines. Pg 57, first full paragraph states “it was the intervention on the part of Balinese authorities …to exploit Balinese culture as a tourist drawcard.” I don’t like the work exploit, because that almost seems like the culture of whoring itself out all in the name of a buck, but to an extent, Balinese authorities are pretty much saying, “if you got it, flaunt it.” I want to believe that this culture has lent itself to performing this sacred music and non-sacred music as an invitation to other cultures, and to let them see what Balinese culture is about.
5. I do agree with Bob in that the definition of the word spectacle can be taken in a couple of different contexts. I also think that a lot of thought went into what the Balinese would deem a spectacle or not. I don’t agree with the word necessarily because again it gives me a negative connotation. That spectacle is that of monkeys smoking in a cage. The Balinese have opened their doors and their villages to outsiders so that said outsiders can receive a different perception of life. Page 59, first full paragraph states “Kekak can be viewed as a site with multiplex intentions and meanings, a frontier zone between Balinese and tourist expectations.” This Kecak does provide an example of Balinese music and ritual style without stepping on the toes of the religious portion of a Balinese way of life.
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